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Can Trump Force Blue Cities to Cooperate With ICE?

32 min episode · 2 min read
·
Hamed Ali Aziz,Ernesto Landano

Episode

32 min

Read time

2 min

Topics

Sales & Revenue, Software Development, Science & Discovery

AI-Generated Summary

Key Takeaways

  • Obama-era cooperation model: Fifteen years ago, ICE maintained offices inside local jails and requested 48-hour holds on immigrants after arrest. Fingerprints automatically pinged federal databases, creating an efficient pipeline from county lockup to deportation that removed 400,000 people annually under this streamlined system.
  • Sanctuary movement legal strategy: Cities stopped cooperating after lawsuits proved costly when jails illegally detained immigrants beyond their release dates. Courts ruled local jurisdictions liable for ICE mistakes, creating financial incentives to separate criminal justice from immigration enforcement and avoid holding people without proper legal authority.
  • California's policy shift: During Trump's first term, California enacted statewide sanctuary laws severely limiting cooperation to only violent criminals. This represented an unprecedented expansion from city-level policies to state-level protection, making it legally impossible for most local officials to provide even basic notification of immigrant release dates.
  • Hennepin County's unique position: Sheriff Dawanna Witt controls Minnesota's largest jail and could unilaterally change non-cooperation policy without county commissioner approval. However, she won election post-George Floyd on a platform opposing ICE cooperation, making any policy reversal politically damaging despite having legal authority to act.
  • No guaranteed drawdown: Local officials have zero assurance that opening jails to ICE would reduce street enforcement or prevent confrontational raids. Two American citizens died during recent Minneapolis operations, eroding trust between local and federal law enforcement and making cooperation concessions a matter of abandoned principle without concrete benefits.

What It Covers

The Trump administration demands Minneapolis jails cooperate with ICE deportations, reviving a decade-long battle over sanctuary policies. Border czar Tom Homan offers to reduce federal agents if local officials grant jail access, but legal barriers and political realities make cooperation unlikely in liberal jurisdictions.

Key Questions Answered

  • Obama-era cooperation model: Fifteen years ago, ICE maintained offices inside local jails and requested 48-hour holds on immigrants after arrest. Fingerprints automatically pinged federal databases, creating an efficient pipeline from county lockup to deportation that removed 400,000 people annually under this streamlined system.
  • Sanctuary movement legal strategy: Cities stopped cooperating after lawsuits proved costly when jails illegally detained immigrants beyond their release dates. Courts ruled local jurisdictions liable for ICE mistakes, creating financial incentives to separate criminal justice from immigration enforcement and avoid holding people without proper legal authority.
  • California's policy shift: During Trump's first term, California enacted statewide sanctuary laws severely limiting cooperation to only violent criminals. This represented an unprecedented expansion from city-level policies to state-level protection, making it legally impossible for most local officials to provide even basic notification of immigrant release dates.
  • Hennepin County's unique position: Sheriff Dawanna Witt controls Minnesota's largest jail and could unilaterally change non-cooperation policy without county commissioner approval. However, she won election post-George Floyd on a platform opposing ICE cooperation, making any policy reversal politically damaging despite having legal authority to act.
  • No guaranteed drawdown: Local officials have zero assurance that opening jails to ICE would reduce street enforcement or prevent confrontational raids. Two American citizens died during recent Minneapolis operations, eroding trust between local and federal law enforcement and making cooperation concessions a matter of abandoned principle without concrete benefits.

Notable Moment

A federal judge ordered release of a five-year-old boy detained in suburban Minneapolis while wearing a Spider-Man backpack and oversized blue winter hat, calling his detention unconstitutional cruelty. The ruling highlighted how aggressive enforcement tactics backfire legally and politically for the administration's cooperation demands.

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Episode Transcript

From The New York Times, I'm Michael Barbaro. This is The Daily. Good morning. I'm Tom Homa. The board is our president Trump. I'm here on behalf of the president along with US commissioners. A few days ago, the president's border czar traveled to Minneapolis with a simple message. I didn't ask him to be immigration officers. I'm asking them to be cops, working with the cops that help the state criminal aliens off the street. The faster local officials there cooperate with federal immigration agents, the faster those agents will leave. This is common sense cooperation that allows to draw down on the number of people we have here. Yes. I said it. Draw down the number of people here. Today, the history of why that kind of cooperation is so difficult to pull off and potentially even illegal. I turned to two of my colleagues, Hamed Ali Aziz and Ernesto Landano, to explain. It's Monday, February 2. Hamed, I wonder what you were thinking as a long time immigration reporter when you heard Tom Homan deliver the message that he did to officials in Minneapolis, essentially offering that drawdown of federal agents if local officials cooperated and gave access? I was thinking Tom Homan was uniquely fit to carry this message for the Trump administration. You know, he is somebody who has seen the entire evolution of cooperation between local law enforcement in liberal cities with ICE, with the federal government. He's really someone who was there at a time when this was just normal practice at ICE fifteen years ago to work closely with local law enforcement. Mhmm. And he's been there as it's faded away, as it's become a political issue, and more and more local governments find it unacceptable to work alongside ICE. And so this is really a battle that Tom Homan has waged for a decade now, not only from his position as, leading ICE during that first Trump administration, but continuously as well on Fox News and testimony to Congress. This is really a core issue for Tom Homan. Well, what is that history that Homan seems to embody of this evolution from cooperation to official noncooperation, and and where does it start? So fifteen years ago, during the Obama administration, Tom Homan was leading deportation efforts. He was the person overseeing all deportation officers. And I think it's important just to know that when someone gets arrested in a local jail, your fingerprints ping to a federal database, and that federal database goes to ICE. So ICE is always aware when someone is arrested. They have records on individuals, and they find out if someone that they're looking for is in a county jail. And and it doesn't matter if it's in a San Francisco or in Alabama. And so one of the key strategies for the Obama administration was to utilize jails and prisons to pick up people. And at that time, when it was less political issue, ICE had …

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