Ep. 373: Michael Walzer on Just Wars (Part Two)
Episode
60 min
Read time
2 min
Topics
Philosophy & Wisdom, Science & Discovery, Economics & Policy
AI-Generated Summary
Key Takeaways
- ✓Preemptive Strike Criteria: Three conditions justify anticipatory attacks: manifest intent to injure, active military preparation creating positive danger, and waiting would greatly magnify risk. Israel's 1967 Six Day War met all criteria when Egypt blockaded shipping, massed troops, and formed alliances threatening existential danger.
- ✓Balance of Power Rejection: States cannot justify war merely to maintain regional power equilibrium. Russia's Ukraine invasion claiming NATO expansion disrupted balance fails moral scrutiny. This principle would generate endless wars since power relations constantly shift, making it impractical and unjust as justification for military action.
- ✓Civil War Non-Intervention: External powers should not intervene in civil wars unless supporting a legitimate preexisting government with substantial popular support. Vietnam failed this test because South Vietnam's government required constant US propping and refused promised elections, indicating lack of genuine self-determination and popular legitimacy.
- ✓Humanitarian Intervention Threshold: Only massacre or enslavement of substantial populations justifies intervention, not mere tyranny or rights violations. Genocide that shocks moral conscience dissolves sovereignty claims. Limited oppression, even of opposition leaders or minorities, does not meet the threshold requiring intervention from international community.
- ✓Counter-Intervention Permission: When one foreign power intervenes in another state's affairs, counter-intervention becomes morally permissible but not obligatory. Hungary's 1848 secession attempt justified British intervention after Russia helped Austria suppress it. However, prudential concerns about escalation and wider war legitimately constrain this permission.
What It Covers
Michael Walzer's just war theory examines when preemptive strikes are justified, how states should respond to threats versus aggression, and whether humanitarian intervention is permissible in cases of genocide or civil war.
Key Questions Answered
- •Preemptive Strike Criteria: Three conditions justify anticipatory attacks: manifest intent to injure, active military preparation creating positive danger, and waiting would greatly magnify risk. Israel's 1967 Six Day War met all criteria when Egypt blockaded shipping, massed troops, and formed alliances threatening existential danger.
- •Balance of Power Rejection: States cannot justify war merely to maintain regional power equilibrium. Russia's Ukraine invasion claiming NATO expansion disrupted balance fails moral scrutiny. This principle would generate endless wars since power relations constantly shift, making it impractical and unjust as justification for military action.
- •Civil War Non-Intervention: External powers should not intervene in civil wars unless supporting a legitimate preexisting government with substantial popular support. Vietnam failed this test because South Vietnam's government required constant US propping and refused promised elections, indicating lack of genuine self-determination and popular legitimacy.
- •Humanitarian Intervention Threshold: Only massacre or enslavement of substantial populations justifies intervention, not mere tyranny or rights violations. Genocide that shocks moral conscience dissolves sovereignty claims. Limited oppression, even of opposition leaders or minorities, does not meet the threshold requiring intervention from international community.
- •Counter-Intervention Permission: When one foreign power intervenes in another state's affairs, counter-intervention becomes morally permissible but not obligatory. Hungary's 1848 secession attempt justified British intervention after Russia helped Austria suppress it. However, prudential concerns about escalation and wider war legitimately constrain this permission.
Notable Moment
Walzer argues that even oppressed populations under tyranny retain self-determination rights, meaning external powers cannot impose freedom through force. Societies must develop their own virtues and institutions through internal struggle, as post-occupation Afghanistan and Vietnam demonstrated when imposed governments immediately collapsed.
Episode Transcript
You're listening to The Partially Examined Life, episode 373, part two. We've been talking about Michael Walzer's just and unjust wars, and we had pretty thoroughly talked about chapter four. Let's go to chapter five, anticipations. We'll start us off with the idea which is already there in the legalist paradigm, which is that states can defend themselves against imminent violence. And then he's gonna say, well, what do you mean by imminent? Right? So we got into this a little bit already, but is it just about responding at the last minute? In real life, that's not actually very useful because war can seem unavoidable for protracted periods of time. So the word imminent is too restrictive, and then he's gonna say, let's look at this whole spectrum of from imminent responding at the last minute to the farthest point on the spectrum from, you know, in anticipation of war, and let's see where we ought to draw the line. Yeah. He does not believe in this, again, eighteenth, nineteenth century idea. Well, he thinks it's still very important today. The balance of power, which seems to be like, if you wanna give a reason why Russia attacked Ukraine, which I've heard Walzer talking just two years ago on a podcast and saying, it's just so easy to condemn Russia based on this book. Like, Russia is just wrong in many, many ways in both the way it's conducting the war, but even just the excuse for havoc in. And here, I think, is where we would right? It's the balance of power. The Russia was like, you know, if Ukraine joins NATO, if it gets too western, then the balance of power is gonna be screwed up. We need to have dominance in our area of the world, and this is just you know, that's at least one of the reasons that would be the primary motivators. And Walzer thinks that is illegitimate, that you might think that, oh, the balance of power, that's what it keeps the peace because there's this very fragile but the power is always shifting. And if you say, we're gonna go to war, every time there's a shift in the balance of power that, you know, scares you and makes you think, well, eventually, they're gonna come for me. If they're more powerful than me, then they're gonna eventually come for me. There's gonna be war all the time. So on utilitarian grounds, even, you know, though you might be defending the idea of balance and power and utilitarian grounds, like, oh, well, you know, we're we're trying to keep somebody from becoming a giant, you know, world tyrant or something like that. There's a better utilitarian argument to say, let's just not have all these needless wars, you know, in defense of this abstraction balance of power. Does Walter take up the, the legalist paradigm just outright prohibits just conventionally imperial activities, right? Where you just wanted somebody's resources. Right? Yes. …
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