Trump’s Clashing Goals: More Housing, Fewer Immigrants
Episode
36 min
Read time
2 min
Topics
Career Growth, Productivity, Science & Discovery
AI-Generated Summary
Key Takeaways
- ✓Union collapse timeline: In 1973, foreign-born workers represented only 5% of the construction workforce, with 40% of all construction workers unionized and earning $1.71 for every dollar the average American made. By the 1983 California carpenters' strike, union concessions on residential sites began a structural collapse that took decades to fully materialize across the industry.
- ✓Deportation backfire effect: Research on high-deportation communities shows employment dropped for both immigrant and American-born construction workers simultaneously. When immigrant crews handling foundational work disappear, downstream trades like carpentry have nothing to build on, so contractors simply delay or cancel projects rather than raise wages to attract replacement workers.
- ✓Labor pipeline destruction: The union apprenticeship system that trained workers like Matt Moore — who bought a house at age 20 after two years of roofing — no longer exists at scale. Without formal training pipelines, high school graduates have no structured entry point into construction trades, leaving immigrant social networks as the primary recruitment channel.
- ✓Sunbelt concentration amplifies risk: The housing boom of the early 2000s concentrated new residential construction in Arizona, Nevada, Texas, and California — right-to-work states with porous borders and minimal union presence. These regions now have foreign-born workers comprising up to 90% of specific trades like drywall and roofing, making them acutely vulnerable to enforcement actions.
- ✓Policy gap in the housing bill: The 2025 housing legislation contains no workforce development provisions — no trade school pathways, no apprenticeship funding, no union labor requirements. The one labor-relevant provision expands factory-built manufactured housing, which requires fewer workers per unit, but does nothing to rebuild the domestic construction labor pipeline that collapsed after the 2008 housing crash.
What It Covers
NYT reporter Ronda Kaysen examines how Congress's landmark 2025 housing bill conflicts with Trump's mass deportation policy. Construction employs the highest share of foreign-born workers of any U.S. industry, and a 300,000-worker shortage already exists, meaning deportations directly undermine the legislation's goal of building more affordable homes.
Key Questions Answered
- •Union collapse timeline: In 1973, foreign-born workers represented only 5% of the construction workforce, with 40% of all construction workers unionized and earning $1.71 for every dollar the average American made. By the 1983 California carpenters' strike, union concessions on residential sites began a structural collapse that took decades to fully materialize across the industry.
- •Deportation backfire effect: Research on high-deportation communities shows employment dropped for both immigrant and American-born construction workers simultaneously. When immigrant crews handling foundational work disappear, downstream trades like carpentry have nothing to build on, so contractors simply delay or cancel projects rather than raise wages to attract replacement workers.
- •Labor pipeline destruction: The union apprenticeship system that trained workers like Matt Moore — who bought a house at age 20 after two years of roofing — no longer exists at scale. Without formal training pipelines, high school graduates have no structured entry point into construction trades, leaving immigrant social networks as the primary recruitment channel.
- •Sunbelt concentration amplifies risk: The housing boom of the early 2000s concentrated new residential construction in Arizona, Nevada, Texas, and California — right-to-work states with porous borders and minimal union presence. These regions now have foreign-born workers comprising up to 90% of specific trades like drywall and roofing, making them acutely vulnerable to enforcement actions.
- •Policy gap in the housing bill: The 2025 housing legislation contains no workforce development provisions — no trade school pathways, no apprenticeship funding, no union labor requirements. The one labor-relevant provision expands factory-built manufactured housing, which requires fewer workers per unit, but does nothing to rebuild the domestic construction labor pipeline that collapsed after the 2008 housing crash.
Notable Moment
Researchers studying deportation's labor market effects expected American-born workers to fill vacated immigrant jobs as wages rose. Instead, employment fell for both groups. Contractors responded to worker shortages by extending project timelines from three to five months rather than raising pay to attract domestic replacements.
Episode Transcript
Hey. Hold up. This is your minute. Your day to play, to make, to move, to move through, to explore. It's your body to rest, to nourish, to grow. It's your mind, you know. It's your place, your life, to love, to dream, to change. It's your world to understand. The New York Times. Find out more at nytimes.com/yourworld. From the New York Times, I'm Michael Barbaro. This is The Daily Show. To confront America's acute shortage of housing, Congress just passed a historic piece of legislation designed to encourage the construction of new homes. The problem is that President Trump's crackdown on immigrants is taking direct aim at the workforce required to build those homes. Today, my colleague, Rhonda Kaysen, explains how The US housing industry became so dependent on immigrant labor and how that reliance could end up undermining a once in a generation housing law. It's Wednesday, July 22. Rhonda, welcome to The Daily. Thank you. Thank you for having me. So let me just set the stage. By the time that Congress decided to pass this landmark housing bill, which has now become law and is supposed to make it a lot easier and faster to construct new homes in this country. You had finished a line of reporting into the workers who actually build those houses, and that reporting allowed you to see more clearly than most of us that there was a little bit of a problem here. And that problem was a gap between intention and kind of reality. Just explain that. So if we look at the law specifically, this new law that was passed has all sorts of tools in it to get housing built, all sorts of different ways that you can encourage developers to make it easier for them to build, encourage them to want to build, but somebody has to actually build those homes. Right. And we already had this labor shortage. We've been short 300,000 workers for a long time. And Trump has another policy, which is separate of this industry, which is to have a mass deportation policy. And no industry is more reliant on immigrant labor than construction. Right. The two goals that the president has and has articulated at various points, a cheaper housing market and a major crackdown on illegal immigration, you're saying those are profoundly intention? Right. The core of the housing crisis is that we haven't built enough housing. We really haven't built enough housing in decades. And one of the reasons is that we don't have enough workers to build the housing, and so labor costs are high Mhmm. Which makes it expensive. And construction relies on labor and relies on immigrant labor. And Trump has been actively deporting that population. And so Congress passed this landmark legislation that's the first time in more than thirty years that the federal government has said, we wanna build housing. At the same time, the federal government's also saying, we want to deport …
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