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The Daily (NYT)

The Iranians Who Want More War

29 min episode · 2 min read
·
Abdi Latif Tahir,Farnaz Fassihi

Episode

29 min

Read time

2 min

Topics

Leadership, Science & Discovery, Economics & Policy

AI-Generated Summary

Key Takeaways

  • Hardliner minority power: Ultra-hardliners represent only 10–20% of Iran's 90 million citizens, yet they function as the theocracy's mobilizable base, showing up reliably at regime-organized events. Understanding this asymmetry matters: a small, loyal constituency can exert disproportionate political pressure precisely because the silent majority lacks equivalent organized representation within the system.
  • Rogue military action: The Revolutionary Guards attack on three ships in the Strait of Hormuz reportedly occurred without authorization from Iran's president or foreign minister, suggesting hardline factions within the military can unilaterally trigger international incidents. This means diplomatic agreements with Iran's civilian government carry structural risk from actors outside central command who face no accountability.
  • Supreme leader vacuum: Mojtaba Khamenei, the new supreme leader, remains in hiding with reported facial burns and vocal cord damage from airstrikes. His father held absolute veto power over factional disputes; Mojtaba lacks equivalent religious and political clout. This leadership void allows minority factions to operate without a central authority capable of enforcing unity or disciplining rogue actors.
  • Legitimacy trap for peace: For Iran's supreme leader to fully endorse the US peace deal, he would effectively abandon the Islamic Republic's founding ideological identity — opposition to America and Israel. Pragmatist negotiators therefore cannot secure unambiguous supreme leader endorsement without threatening the regime's core legitimacy, creating a structural ceiling on how durable any negotiated agreement can realistically become.
  • Funeral as political theater: The Iranian government staged Khamenei's multi-day funeral as a choreographed display of national unity for foreign press, including assigned minders filing daily reports on journalists. Recognizing state-managed media access as a deliberate messaging tool — rather than organic public sentiment — is essential for accurately interpreting what governments want the outside world to believe versus ground-level reality.

What It Covers

NYT correspondent Abdi Latif Dahir reports from Tehran during Ayatollah Khamenei's state funeral, revealing a fractured Iran where ultra-hardline factions — estimated at 10–20% of the population — actively sabotage a fragile US-Iran peace deal, while 70–80% of Iranians silently oppose continued war amid 400% food inflation.

Key Questions Answered

  • Hardliner minority power: Ultra-hardliners represent only 10–20% of Iran's 90 million citizens, yet they function as the theocracy's mobilizable base, showing up reliably at regime-organized events. Understanding this asymmetry matters: a small, loyal constituency can exert disproportionate political pressure precisely because the silent majority lacks equivalent organized representation within the system.
  • Rogue military action: The Revolutionary Guards attack on three ships in the Strait of Hormuz reportedly occurred without authorization from Iran's president or foreign minister, suggesting hardline factions within the military can unilaterally trigger international incidents. This means diplomatic agreements with Iran's civilian government carry structural risk from actors outside central command who face no accountability.
  • Supreme leader vacuum: Mojtaba Khamenei, the new supreme leader, remains in hiding with reported facial burns and vocal cord damage from airstrikes. His father held absolute veto power over factional disputes; Mojtaba lacks equivalent religious and political clout. This leadership void allows minority factions to operate without a central authority capable of enforcing unity or disciplining rogue actors.
  • Legitimacy trap for peace: For Iran's supreme leader to fully endorse the US peace deal, he would effectively abandon the Islamic Republic's founding ideological identity — opposition to America and Israel. Pragmatist negotiators therefore cannot secure unambiguous supreme leader endorsement without threatening the regime's core legitimacy, creating a structural ceiling on how durable any negotiated agreement can realistically become.
  • Funeral as political theater: The Iranian government staged Khamenei's multi-day funeral as a choreographed display of national unity for foreign press, including assigned minders filing daily reports on journalists. Recognizing state-managed media access as a deliberate messaging tool — rather than organic public sentiment — is essential for accurately interpreting what governments want the outside world to believe versus ground-level reality.

Notable Moment

At the funeral, crowds turned violently on the very government officials who negotiated the peace deal — Iran's president was nearly knocked to the ground while crowds chanted "death to the appeaser," and the foreign minister fled after being pelted with stones, exposing the regime's internal collapse in real time.

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Episode Transcript

The New York Times app has all this stuff that you may not have seen. The way the tabs are at the top with all of the different sections. I can immediately navigate to something that matches what I'm feeling. I go to games always. Doing the mini. Doing the Wordle. I loved how much content it exposed me to. Things that I never would have thought to turn to a news app for. This app is essential. The New York Times app. All of the times, all in one place. Download it now at nytimes.com/app. From the New York Times, I'm Michael Barbaro. This is The Daily. After thirteen consecutive days of air strikes, The United States States and Iran have temporarily paused their fighting, but the conflict could resume at any moment. And inside Iran, a small but powerful faction is determined to make sure that it does. Today, Abdi Latif Tahir and Farnaz Fassihi explain the profound divisions within Iran about whether to keep fighting or to try to make peace. It's Tuesday, July 28. This was a very choreographed event, from the beginning. A few weeks ago, the Iranian government allowed my colleague, Abdi Latif Tahir, into the country. Immediately, we landed, in Tehran. We got through immigration, and essentially, you're met there by your minder. So, It was not long after The US and Iran had signed a tentative peace deal, and Abdi became the first Times reporter to get into Iran in months. We had two government appointed translator and a guide, who pretty much went everywhere with us. We could not leave the hotel, essentially, without planning with them where we wanted to go, what we wanted to see. And he was there for a very specific purpose, to observe the multi day funeral service for Iran's former Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, who had been killed by The U. S. And Israel in the early days of the Iran war. And Abdi says his every movement at the funeral services was heavily monitored. They listened in on pretty much all the interviews. And, one of the minders was also very open with us. And essentially, he told me that, yes, at the end of every day, he basically was expected to, like, send a report about our activities, where we went, what we did, during that day. Abdi, why do you think that Iran let you into the country? What do you think that they wanted you to see? I think they definitely wanted us to see the way people had come out to mourn Al Khaminai, the supreme leader. So we were very much in the middle of the capital, the center of the Haran. For days on end, you couldn't escape the soundscape that was coming from outside, the chanting, the mourning, the wailing. You kind of felt like you had been signed up for this very much stage managed choreographed scene. So you had the first day where the dignitaries from …

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