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The Daily (NYT)

The Voters Who Flipped Congress

28 min episode · 2 min read
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Episode

28 min

Read time

2 min

Topics

Fundraising & VC, Marketing, Science & Discovery

AI-Generated Summary

Key Takeaways

  • ✓Black voter turnout surge: Black voters increased their share of the electorate by at least 3 points in key Southern states, with early Georgia data showing young Black voters outnumbering young white voters in early voting — a statistical anomaly. Analysts connect this directly to Supreme Court gutting of the Voting Rights Act, which dismantled majority-minority districts and motivated defensive turnout.
  • ✓Hispanic voter realignment: Hispanic voters increased their share of the electorate in Texas compared to the 2024 presidential election — rare, since Hispanic turnout typically drops in midterms. In some majority-Hispanic Southwest Kansas agricultural counties that previously voted Trump by 30 points, Democrats swung the margin by 50 points, driven by backlash to aggressive immigration enforcement affecting local businesses and residents.
  • ✓Progressive candidate penalty: In every high-profile contested race featuring a Democratic Socialist-aligned candidate — including Abdul El-Sayed in Michigan, Angie Nixon in Florida, and Will Lawrence in Michigan's 7th District — Democrats underperformed the national Democratic margin by roughly 6 points. Florida, which should have flipped given national trends, remained Republican specifically because of candidate positioning, not structural disadvantage.
  • ✓Campaign spending ineffectiveness in wave elections: Republicans outspent Democrats by $100 million in Ohio, $84 million in Michigan, and $200 million in Texas — and lost all three. Nate Cohn attributes this to midterm electorates being highly engaged, pre-decided voters responding to a presidential referendum dynamic rather than advertising, making spending largely irrelevant unless candidates cross an ideological threshold.
  • ✓Late polling surge reflects late voter decisions: NYT polls from September underestimated Democratic performance; final polls matched actual results precisely — Democrats led in all seven key Senate battlegrounds by an average of 5 points. The gap between early and final polls reflects voters resolving their choices late, not polling methodology failures, underscoring why frequent late-cycle polling captures real shifts rather than noise.

What It Covers

NYT chief political analyst Nate Cohn breaks down the demographic data behind a historic Democratic midterm wave, examining which voter groups flipped, why progressive candidates underperformed moderate ones, whether $10 billion in Republican spending produced results, and how pre-election polling held up against final outcomes.

Key Questions Answered

  • •Black voter turnout surge: Black voters increased their share of the electorate by at least 3 points in key Southern states, with early Georgia data showing young Black voters outnumbering young white voters in early voting — a statistical anomaly. Analysts connect this directly to Supreme Court gutting of the Voting Rights Act, which dismantled majority-minority districts and motivated defensive turnout.
  • •Hispanic voter realignment: Hispanic voters increased their share of the electorate in Texas compared to the 2024 presidential election — rare, since Hispanic turnout typically drops in midterms. In some majority-Hispanic Southwest Kansas agricultural counties that previously voted Trump by 30 points, Democrats swung the margin by 50 points, driven by backlash to aggressive immigration enforcement affecting local businesses and residents.
  • •Progressive candidate penalty: In every high-profile contested race featuring a Democratic Socialist-aligned candidate — including Abdul El-Sayed in Michigan, Angie Nixon in Florida, and Will Lawrence in Michigan's 7th District — Democrats underperformed the national Democratic margin by roughly 6 points. Florida, which should have flipped given national trends, remained Republican specifically because of candidate positioning, not structural disadvantage.
  • •Campaign spending ineffectiveness in wave elections: Republicans outspent Democrats by $100 million in Ohio, $84 million in Michigan, and $200 million in Texas — and lost all three. Nate Cohn attributes this to midterm electorates being highly engaged, pre-decided voters responding to a presidential referendum dynamic rather than advertising, making spending largely irrelevant unless candidates cross an ideological threshold.
  • •Late polling surge reflects late voter decisions: NYT polls from September underestimated Democratic performance; final polls matched actual results precisely — Democrats led in all seven key Senate battlegrounds by an average of 5 points. The gap between early and final polls reflects voters resolving their choices late, not polling methodology failures, underscoring why frequent late-cycle polling captures real shifts rather than noise.

Notable Moment

Nate Cohn points out that Florida — which Trump won by 13 points — was the only state in that partisan range that Democrats failed to flip, while Texas, Ohio, Iowa, Kansas, and even Mississippi trended Democratic. The sole distinguishing variable Cohn identifies is candidate ideology.

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Episode Transcript

This podcast is supported by Searchlight Pictures' Wild Horse nine. John Malkovich and Sam Rockwell star as CIA agents in a dangerous game of secrets and survival on Easter Island in this sharp witted comedic thriller from Academy Award winner Martin McDonough. Wild Horse nine is being hailed by critics as a darkly funny, high octane action comedy that will keep you on the edge of your seat. Easily one of the best films of the year. Wild Horse nine is in theaters tonight. Get tickets now. From The New York Times, I'm Michael Babaro. This is The Daily. Today, chief political analyst Nate Cohn is back to pour over the results of the midterm election and figure out which voters showed up, which stayed home, how much $10,000,000,000 in campaign spending mattered, and whether this time our polling got it right. It's Thursday, November 5. Hello. Hello. Hi. How's the coffee? I think you know the answer to the question. Utterly mediocre. Nate. Michael. So good to have you back. This is your third day in a row on the show, I believe. Do I get, like, a trophy for that or something? That's what we call a series. A series. This is part three Part three. Of that series. The first was you describing the results of our final poll and laying out the scenarios for the outcome on Tuesday. Tuesday night, you came in and explained that scenario four was playing out. And today, we're summoning you to deliver a final batch of insights that have come from you all being able to marinate with the results for a full day on two hours of sleep. So that's what we wanna do. And I and I think in particular, Nate, we wanna talk through the the detailed demographic data that you have gleaned about which kinds of voters bolted from the Trump coalition in this midterm and voted for Democrats and perhaps are fashioning what could be a new Democratic coalition, if it makes sense to start there. Let's start there. But I think but I think in classic podcast form, we just really need to start with a quick update on where things stand as of this recording, 03:11PM eastern time in the house, in the senate, where I know a couple races have yet to be called, but I'm sure you can tell us which way they're leaning, and with governor's races across country. At this time, the Democrats have won 54 seats in the senate. Two seats remain to be called. That's Alaska, where we're gonna have to wait a long time before they count mail in ballots coming from all over the state, and Mississippi, where the race is essentially tied with a handful of extraneous ballots and provisional ballots left to be counted. These races are so close and there... Or there's so much left to be counted that it's hard to be too confident. But I have to say the Democrats …

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