Constitution Breakdown #6: Adam Liptak
Episode
60 min
Read time
3 min
Topics
Startups, Design & UX, Philosophy & Wisdom
AI-Generated Summary
Key Takeaways
- ✓Congressional Authority Over Courts: Congress can set Supreme Court size through simple legislation without constitutional amendment. The court has ranged from five to ten justices, currently stable at nine since the mid-1800s. Congress also controls jurisdiction stripping, determining which case types federal courts can hear, though this power remains largely untested due to political norms and public resistance to such interventions.
- ✓Life Tenure Problem: The United States stands alone among developed nations without mandatory retirement ages or term limits for federal judges. This creates political gamesmanship where justices strategically retire under ideologically aligned presidents. Implementing term limits requires constitutional amendment, making this widely supported reform nearly impossible to achieve, while expanding court size only needs congressional majorities.
- ✓Shadow Docket Mechanics: Emergency applications bypass normal Supreme Court procedures with thin briefing, no oral arguments, and decisions within weeks rather than months. The Trump administration wins the vast majority of these cases. Orders often lack reasoning or provide minimal explanation, yet lower courts must treat them as binding precedent. This process undermines judicial legitimacy by removing the reasoned analysis that distinguishes courts from political branches.
- ✓Judicial Review Origins: Marbury v. Madison established judicial review in 1803, though this power appears nowhere in Article Three's six paragraphs. Chief Justice John Marshall initially positioned the court as one interpreter among three branches, not the exclusive authority. Only later, in Cooper v. Aaron, did the court declare judicial supremacy, consolidating power to issue final constitutional interpretations binding on all parties nationwide.
- ✓Standing Doctrine Inconsistency: The Roberts Court applies standing requirements unpredictably based on case outcomes. A website designer won her case despite never creating websites or receiving requests from same-sex couples. Missouri gained standing in student loan cases through an independent nonprofit's theoretical losses. Meanwhile, immigration enforcement challenges face strict standing barriers. This selective application suggests outcome-driven rather than principled jurisprudence.
What It Covers
New York Times Supreme Court reporter Adam Liptak examines Article Three of the Constitution, which establishes the judicial branch. The discussion covers what the Constitution omits about the courts, including judicial review, the Supreme Court's size, and term limits. Topics include the Roberts Court's legacy, the shadow docket, congressional power over courts, and challenges facing judicial independence.
Key Questions Answered
- •Congressional Authority Over Courts: Congress can set Supreme Court size through simple legislation without constitutional amendment. The court has ranged from five to ten justices, currently stable at nine since the mid-1800s. Congress also controls jurisdiction stripping, determining which case types federal courts can hear, though this power remains largely untested due to political norms and public resistance to such interventions.
- •Life Tenure Problem: The United States stands alone among developed nations without mandatory retirement ages or term limits for federal judges. This creates political gamesmanship where justices strategically retire under ideologically aligned presidents. Implementing term limits requires constitutional amendment, making this widely supported reform nearly impossible to achieve, while expanding court size only needs congressional majorities.
- •Shadow Docket Mechanics: Emergency applications bypass normal Supreme Court procedures with thin briefing, no oral arguments, and decisions within weeks rather than months. The Trump administration wins the vast majority of these cases. Orders often lack reasoning or provide minimal explanation, yet lower courts must treat them as binding precedent. This process undermines judicial legitimacy by removing the reasoned analysis that distinguishes courts from political branches.
- •Judicial Review Origins: Marbury v. Madison established judicial review in 1803, though this power appears nowhere in Article Three's six paragraphs. Chief Justice John Marshall initially positioned the court as one interpreter among three branches, not the exclusive authority. Only later, in Cooper v. Aaron, did the court declare judicial supremacy, consolidating power to issue final constitutional interpretations binding on all parties nationwide.
- •Standing Doctrine Inconsistency: The Roberts Court applies standing requirements unpredictably based on case outcomes. A website designer won her case despite never creating websites or receiving requests from same-sex couples. Missouri gained standing in student loan cases through an independent nonprofit's theoretical losses. Meanwhile, immigration enforcement challenges face strict standing barriers. This selective application suggests outcome-driven rather than principled jurisprudence.
- •Clerk Influence Structure: Each justice employs four recent law school graduates, typically from Harvard or Yale, who draft first opinions and evaluate petitions for review. A single 26-year-old clerk in the cert pool makes preliminary recommendations affecting whether the Supreme Court hears cases. Three current justices clerked for their predecessors, creating an inherited aristocracy nowhere contemplated in Article Three's text or the founders' anti-nobility principles.
Notable Moment
Adam Liptak reveals that Chief Justice Roberts, once a strict standing hawk who insisted plaintiffs demonstrate direct injury, recently authored an opinion allowing a political candidate to challenge late mail ballots with questionable standing. This reversal exemplifies how the court applies procedural doctrines opportunistically rather than consistently, undermining claims that neutral legal principles rather than desired outcomes drive decisions.
Episode Transcript
This is the 99% Invisible Breakdown of the Constitution. I'm Roman Mars. And I'm Elizabeth Joe. Today, we are discussing Article three, which establishes the judicial branch of the federal government. Article three is much shorter than the first two articles that we've covered so far. It begins, the judicial power of The United States shall be vested in one supreme court and in such inferior courts as the Congress may, from time to time, ordain and establish. The judges, both of the supreme and inferior courts, shall hold their offices during good behavior and shall, at stated times, receive for their services a compensation, which shall not be diminished during their continuance in office. Article three goes on to talk about the jurisdiction of the federal courts or which types of cases they're allowed to hear. These include disputes about treaties, federal laws, and of course the Constitution. But just as important as what's in article three is what is not in article three. More on that later. Our guest for this episode is Adam Liptak, who covers the Supreme Court and other legal issues for the New York Times. He started his career as a lawyer before transitioning to reporting almost twenty five years ago. Adams' depth of knowledge about the Supreme Court and article three makes him the perfect guest. We talk about the legacy of the Roberts Court, why reforming the court is so difficult, and what it's like to be a Supreme Court reporter. But we start with what Adam believes surprises people most about this part of the constitution. I guess they think that it's an elaborate description of our sprawling federal judicial system when when in fact all it does is create a supreme court. It doesn't even specify its size, and it leaves to congress a lot of the detail work. Yeah. And so what are some of the important things that we should know, about this part of the constitution? Well, I think a key point is that it's article three. Mhmm. Which is to say that the framers envisioned congress as taking the lead role. Mhmm. It's a little hard for us these days to imagine that, you know, a muscular legislature was supposed to be the primary actor in the constitutional structure, the lead actor. Article two, you know, an energetic president executing the laws that congress enacted. And then bringing up the rear, what some of the framers called the least dangerous branch, its role kind of uncertain, not not a very appealing job at first. People didn't particularly wanna be supreme court justices. You know, the the the supreme court, which we'll talk about this, over time, has taken on great stature and power. But in the beginning was almost an afterthought as a way to, you know, adjudicate a small set of disputes between, say, citizens of different states. Mhmm. Well, maybe that's something we could talk a bit more about. You mentioned Congress having a …
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